A Grim Anniversary in Sudan

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Beja, Brad Phillips, Commander Abdelaziz Adam al Hilu, Darfur, ethnic cleansing, Faith J. H. McDonnell, genocide, Jihad, Kadugli, Khartoum, Nuba Mountains, Nuba people, Nubians, Obama Administration, Omar al-Bashir, Persecution Project, racism, South Sudan, SPLA-North, Sudan Government, U.S. State Department

Photo courtesy of Operation Broken Silence, taken in the Nuba Mountains, May 2013, during an End Nuba Genocide coalition relief operation.

By Faith J. H. McDonnell (@Cuchulain09)

“The students go to class, and when they hear the Antonovs coming they run to hide in the caves.”

This is how a teacher describes a typical school day for children in Acheron, a village in Sudan’s Nuba Mountains in South Kordofan State. With the Nuba Mountains now entering a third year of genocidal jihad waged by the Sudanese National Congress Party (NCP) government in Khartoum, the young teacher says “war bombardment has become normal.” “Class” is gathering in the open air. School buildings have gone the same way as those in the first genocide in the 1990’s: bombed to smithereens by Khartoum. But the desire to learn remains alive, and so two volunteer teachers – barely out of secondary school themselves – are risking their own lives to ensure that Nuba children receive an education.

In May 2011 the Islamist regime stole South Kordofan’s gubernatorial election from Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) war hero Commander Abdelaziz Adam al Hilu and gave it to ICC-indicted war criminal Ahmed Haroun. Providing voter statistics showing a clear al Hilu victory, the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) for South Kordofan wrote to the UN Security Council on May 20, 2011, saying, “We participated in these elections genuinely, but the NCP proved the lacking of the will to implement any agreement.” The SPLM warned, “The aim of the NCP is to bluff the world and use elections to gain fake legitimacy.”

June 5, 2013 marked the second anniversary of Khartoum’s second jihad against the black, African Nuba people. On June 5, 2011, Sudanese president ICC-indicted war criminal Omar al Bashir launched a genocidal jihad against the Nuba in the state capital of Kadugli. Khartoum’s security forces began house-to-house searches for Christians and other non-Muslims, ethnic black African Nuba, and members of or sympathizers with the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) or other opposition parties.

Persecution Project Foundation (PPF) founder and president Brad Phillips told the US Congress that “more than 5,000 ethnic Nubans who sought refuge in the United Nations Mission in Sudan (UNMIS) compound were dragged out by NCP security forces and slaughtered at the gate while Egyptian UNMIS forces watched and in some reports actually laughed.” Images provided by the Satellite Sentinel Project and internal UN reports reveal that the bodies of thousands of innocent Nuba men, women, and children lie in mass graves around Kadugli.

This was only the beginning. In the 1980’s-‘90’s the Khartoum regime attempted to eradicate the Nuba for aligning with the SPLA. Following the ethnic cleansing of Kadugli, the regime began a similar eradication campaign featuring aerial bombardment and a ground war by the Islamist militia Popular Defense Force (PDF) to burn homes, schools, churches, markets and crops. This scorched earth strategy is responsible for malnutrition and starvation that has affected tens of thousands. Nuba who have not fled to refugee camps in South Sudan or Kenya must flee to caves in the sides of the hills when the daily bombing takes place. Most have no food but leaves and insects, and little access to clean drinking water. The Sudanese government prevents international provision of aid to those in desperate need of food and medicine.

In his congressional testimony, Brad Phillips criticized the US and other governments’ inaction and surmised that if not for the protection of the SPLA-North, “led by their inspirational leader, Abdelaziz Adam Al Hilu, we would be witnessing another Rwandan-style genocide.” Instead, for two years, we have witnessed Sudanese style genocide – in which those committing genocide have seen no evidence that they need to fear meaningful outside intervention.

From Day One the evil intentions of the al Bashir regime were far clearer than those of either Egypt’s Mubarak or Libya’s Gadhafi. And the intensity of the regime’s attack against innocent Nuba civilians far surpassed the Mubarak and Gadhafi responses to Arab “Spring.” Nevertheless, today Mubarak is gone, thanks to President Obama’s intervention, and an Islamist supremacist Muslim Brotherhood controls Egypt without having had to fight for “freedom.” Gadhafi is dead, and thanks to US intervention, the “freedom fighters” that sodomized and murdered him and that attacked the American consulate in Benghazi, are free to impose Sharia on all of Libya. Likewise, the US is poised to provide weapons to yet more Islamists in Syria.

In contrast, over 750 days after the Khartoum regime announced its plan to eradicate the black, African Nuba, to “sweep out the trash” that the racist Arabist regime considers black-skinned African people to be, not only does the genocide continue, but the US State Department still insists that only a “diplomatic solution” will bring peace to Sudan. With such a response from the Obama Administration, it is not surprising that Khartoum has felt free to expand the genocide to Blue Nile State, starting in September 2011, and to ramp up the action against the innocent men, women, and children of Darfur once again.

The SPLA-North and its Darfuri allies fight as the Sudan Revolutionary Front (SRF), winning almost all of the ground battles with the more well-armed regime. AFP reported on April 27, 2013 that the “rebels” had attacked five government-held areas in North and South Kordofan States. They quoted an anonymous regional political expert who said that the rebel action is aimed to demonstrate strength and is “very threatening for the government.” So threatening, in fact, that the regime went whining to the international community, and particularly to the US government, demanding condemnation of the attacks and sanctions on the rebel-controlled regions. Sadly, but not surprisingly, the Obama Administration denounced the SRF’s actions, even though, in the words of Brad Phillips, “it is US coddling of Bashir that has ultimately forced the SPLM-N to action before their people are further ground down by famine and privation.”

The State Department has encouraged the SRF to become more “inclusive” of all so-called opposition groups, including those that share the regime’s dream of an Islamic Caliphate. But State has shown less concern for the inclusion of hundreds of thousands of Sudan’s other ethnic African people groups. In Sudan’s far north, home to more pyramids than exist in Egypt, the regime is building dams to drown the memory of the ancient Nubian kingdoms and to displace today’s Nubians, selling their land to Islamists from Egypt. In eastern Sudan, Khartoum has marginalized and oppressed the indigenous Beja people for decades, and is pushing them into the desert, allowing Rashaida Arabs to claim the region.

Recently, Brad Philllips wrote that the “US government and International Community (IC) have responded to all the death, all the torture, all the rape, all the indiscriminate bombings, all the cruelty, all the displacement, and all the persecution by continuing to endorse the very government committing these acts.” He acknowledges some international sanctions still in place against Khartoum, and that “there has been diplomatic wrist-slapping when Bashir’s behavior is simply too atrocious to be ignored.” But Bashir “has successfully convinced the US and IC that any alternative to his administration would plunge the nation into chaos and Sudan would become another Somalia.”

Phillips continues that his response to the “it could be worse” argument is “stunned silence.” He says that all he can see in his mind “are 3 million corpses, thousands of children missing limbs, untold thousands of women raped, and a completely failed state being propped up by an International Community which fears something ‘worse’.”  But something worse is exactly what we have wrought in Egypt and Libya, and to which we seem headed in Syria. Something worse is when a country becomes more like Sudan.

This article originally appeared on Front Page Magazine and was reposted with permission.

Obama Administration to Welcome Genocidal Sudanese Leaders for Talks

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Act for Sudan, Blue Nile State, Darfur, diplomacy, Faith J. H. McDonnell, genocide, ghost houses, ICC indicted war criminal, Islamism, Jihad, Khartoum, moral equivalence, Nafie Ali Nafie, National Congress Party, NCP, Nuba Mountains, Obama, Obama Administration, Omar al-Bashir, South Sudan, State Department, Sudan, terrorism, torture

By Faith J. H. McDonnell (@Cuchulain09)

In a makeshift shelter of plastic tarps in the Nuba Mountains of Sudan, an American linguist, Deborah Martin, interviewed dozens of Darfurian refugees. The year was 2006, and some two thousand Darfurians had fled the Islamist Sudanese regime’s genocidal war against them and walked over 900 miles to the Nuba Mountains. At that time, just after the signing of the 2005 North/South peace agreement, the area now once again a killing field of the Islamist regime was relatively safe.

One young Darfuri woman told Martin she had witnessed the rest of her family, including her 80 year-old grandmother, “sliced up like meat” by the Janjaweed (Arab militia). Other refugees had similarly horrific tales. And common among all the testimonies were four names – either whispered in terror or spat out in defiance. Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir, Vice President Ali Osman Taha, Arab Janjaweed militia leader Musa Hilal, and former Chief of National Intelligence and Security Services/presidential advisor Nafie Ali Nafie – these were the men they held responsible for the Darfur genocide, and for the regime’s atrocities far beyond Darfur.

Today, the Obama Administration has invited Dr. Nafie Ali Nafie and other high-level officials from Sudan’s ruling National Congress Party (NCP) to Washington, DC. State Department spokeswoman Hilary Renner defended the visit as the opportunity for a “candid discussion on the conflicts and humanitarian crises within Sudan.” But in the Sudanese press, the NCP crowed that the invitation is a call “for the development of relationships between Sudan and the U.S.” Nafie assured his fellow hardliners that he was not going to the U.S. in order to discuss Sudan issues, saying that the regime knew what it was doing in that regard. Writing of the visit Rabbi David Kaufman, founder and co-chair of “Help Nuba,” said it was similar to inviting Heinrich Himmler to the U.S. to discuss the “humanitarian crisis” during the Holocaust.

Nafie eschewed training in plant genetics (he studied at UC Riverside, receiving a Ph.D. in 1980, thank you, USA!) for training in terrorism. According to the Sudan Tribune, Nafie travelled to Tehran in 1981 “on the apparent pretext of conducting further studies in the field of agriculture.” During the 1980’s, he also spent time in Afghanistan and the Bekaa Valley of Lebanon where he gained the expertise and contacts to develop Sudan’s own security apparatus, import weapons, and establish secret desert training camps. The Sudan Tribune says that it is also believe that during this time, Nafie coordinated with his former Iranian mentors “to supply arms to those opposing the American and French presence in Somalia.”

As Chief of National Intelligence and Security Services for Omar al-Bashir’s National Islamic Front regime, Nafie perfected the art of torture. Sudanese Online says, “Dr. Nafie is by far the most brutal security official the Sudan has ever seen.” And the Sudan Tribune explains that he is notorious for the creation of Sudan’s “ghost houses” (buyut al-ashbah), unofficial detention and torture chambers run by Sudan’s security services.

Typical ghost house treatment was given to Nafie’s old colleague from the University of Khartoum, science professor and human rights activist, Farouk Mohammed Ibrahim. Ibrahim was arrested and taken blindfolded to a Khartoum ghost house where he was held for 12 days with no charges. According to his statement seeking redress from the Sudanese government, Ibrahim revealed he “was subjected to interrogations about courses taught and about colleagues.” During the interrogations, he “was repeatedly kicked, beaten and flogged, subjected to a prolonged bath in ice water, threatened with rape and death and deprived of sleep for up to three days.” Ibrahim told the Los Angeles Times that Nafie “was administering the whole thing. He did it all in such a cool manner, as if he were sipping a coffee.”

Condemning the upcoming visit and urging that Secretary Kerry rescind the invitation, Sudan advocacy alliance Act for Sudan noted that Nafie “helped design the regime’s strategy to eliminate or expel indigenous African people by bombing, attacking, raping, and starving innocent civilians. Sudanese Online adds, “Dr. Nafie has expelled international aid agencies from eastern Sudan, Nuba Mountains of Kordofan, Darfur and Blue Nile provinces.”

Recently, Nafie, who is also the deputy chairman of the ruling National Congress Party, addressed a graduation ceremony of the paramilitary Popular Defense Forces (PDF), the jihadists used by Khartoum to conduct the purge of black, African people in the Nuba Mountains. He said of those in Sudan who want equality for all Sudanese and a secular democracy, that they “are traitors for collaborating with rebels to overthrow the regime, and for preaching a secular system.” The opposition “has dug its own grave” by rejecting “the principles of Islamic Sharia law” and seeking to “establish a secular state like the Western countries,” he declared. He vowed to the graduating PDF members that 2013 will be a decisive year in which they would wage a war like that fought by Mohammed at the Battle of Badr, a battle that ushered in the beginning of Islamic expansion.

The Obama Administration is not happy about the backlash it is receiving because of the invitation to Nafie Ali Nafie. Perhaps it has forgotten how frequently Senator Barack Obama and his supporters criticized President George W. Bush’s Sudan policy. Bush’s policies merely saved hundreds of thousands threatened by starvation and disease, brought about the Nuba Mountains ceasefire, created a presidential-level Sudan Special Envoy, and helped to bring about a peace agreement leading to the establishment of the nation of South Sudan. But since he couldn’t bring perform the additional miracle of ending the genocide in Darfur, Obama accused the Bush Administration of not doing enough.

For example, speaking about Darfur in October 2004, Senator Obama said, “There must be real pressure placed on the Sudanese government. We know from past experience that it will take a great deal to get them to do the right thing.” Where is that pressure today, when an architect of genocide is invited to Washington, DC?

In a February 2006 speech on Darfur, Obama confided that “for more than a year now, I’ve been working with other Senators to see what we can do to really push the Administration to take this as seriously as it warrants.” (Emphasis added). He was disturbed that “the United States government seems to be backing off a little bit, the commitment that it made to deal with the problem.” Today, many Sudan activists are disturbed. Members of Congress, including U.S. Rep. Frank Wolf (R-VA), have written to the President, questioning his overarching Sudan policy.

Finally, in April 2008, with the Presidential election drawing closer, Obama again criticized Bush Sudan policy, saying, “I am deeply concerned by reports that the Bush Administration is negotiating a normalization of relations with the Government of Sudan.” He warned that “this reckless and cynical initiative would reward a regime in Khartoum that has a record of failing to live up to its commitments.”

Today, in justifying the invitation to Nafie, the Obama Administration challenges the idea that a trip to America for diplomatic discussion can be considered a “reward.” And it posits only three alternatives in U.S. Sudan policy: go to war with Sudan, engage in diplomacy, or be irrelevant. But there could be another alternative for U.S. Sudan policy. In his book, The Coming Revolution, Dr. Walid Phares advises the U.S. government to support the freedom and democracy-loving sections of civil society within totalitarian and Islamist regimes to foster democratic transformation. In the case of Sudan, the U.S. government could also quietly support the opposition forces that want regime change and a free, equal Sudan. In fact, Senator Barack Obama mentioned this possibility in his 2004 speech when he said that we should be “providing resources . . . including logistical support like airplanes, helicopters, trucks, and other resources that are needed to deliver humanitarian aid.”

But although the Obama Administration was willing to take strong actions to bring about the downfall of Egypt’s Mubarak and Libya’s Qaddafi, (and facilitate the takeover by Islamists) in this case, when the downfall of the regime could mean the downfall of the Islamist agenda in Sudan and the wider region, it prefers diplomatic engagement. Could that not be construed as a “reckless and cynical initiative”? Bringing Dr. Nafie Ali Nafie and other high-level officials of the Sudanese government to Washington, DC threatens to once again reward a regime that not only continues to have a record of failing to live up to its commitments and of committing brutal atrocities against its own citizens, but of pursuing an agenda of global jihad and Islamist supremacism.

This blog post originally appeared on the Front Page Magazine website as an article and is reposted with permission.

Congressman Says Obama Has Failed on Sudan

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Blue Nile State, Congressman Frank Wolf, Darfur, failed foreign policy, Faith J. H. McDonnell, genocide, Nuba Mountains, Obama Sudan policy, Omar al-Bashir, South Sudan, Sudan, Sudan Special Envoy

U.S. Rep. Frank Wolf (R-VA) visits the Nuba refugees at Yida Refugee Camp, South Sudan. (Photo Credit – Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission)

By Faith J. H. McDonnell (@Cuchulain09)

Spurred by tens of thousands facing government-orchestrated starvation and continuous aerial bombardment in Sudan’s Nuba Mountains and Blue Nile State, and the continuing violence in genocide-wracked Darfur, U.S. Representative Frank Wolf (R-VA) has declared that “it is time for a fresh policy and a renewed commitment to peace and justice in Sudan.” In a statement released on Thursday, April 11, 2013, the congressman from Virginia’s 10th District also asked for the “swift appointment of a high-profile Sudan special envoy.” Wolf, a repeat visitor to Sudan and South Sudan, is a hero to advocates for human rights and religious freedom.

“To date, this president has offered nothing more than an abdication of leadership and a failure of vision, which has culminated in human suffering and misery,” said Wolf. He contrasted a policy that seemed to indicate “a president that has all but forsaken the people of Sudan” with Obama’s deep concern and commitment to bold action as a presidential candidate. But “have we seen a fraction of that concern or anything close to bold action since he became president?” Wolf demanded.

“Candidate Obama was sharp in his criticism of President Bush’s handling of Sudan,” Wolf continued. “Have we seen President Obama take even fleeting interest, beyond the occasional talking point, in the deteriorating situation in Sudan marked in part by a growing humanitarian crisis in the Nuba Mountains?” he inquired. Instead, says Wolf, “inexplicably this administration has embraced a policy of engagement marked by conciliatory outreach to Khartoum, including the prospect of debt relief for a genocidal government, and a perverse sense of moral equivalence in dealing with South Sudan and Sudan.”

Wolf refers to groups such as Act for Sudan and a coalition of genocide scholars that have recently written to Secretary of State John Kerry and to President Obama urging a strong, influential Sudan special envoy. Like Wolf, these groups are disappointed with the current Sudan policy. Wolf also suggests several options that he believes would strengthen and improve U.S. policy on Sudan in his statement.

Twenty Years Ago in South Sudan

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Arabist, Ayod, Blue Nile State, Darfur, ethnic cleansing, genocide, government-orchestrated starvation, Islamist, Jihad, Kevin Carter, manmade famine, Nuba Mountains, Omar al-Bashir, South Sudan, starvation, Sudan

By Faith J. H. McDonnell (@Cuchulain09)

(Photo credit: Kevin Carter, 1960-1994) Photo-journalist Carter committed suicide in July 1994, just months after winning the Pulitzer Prize for the photo.

2013 is the tenth anniversary of the Government of Sudan’s genocidal war against the people of the western region of Darfur. The Darfur genocide continues today, as populations that were ethnically cleansed from their land are replaced with non-indigenous people groups loyal to the regime. The Darfur 10 campaign is just one of many initiatives to commemorate the genocide. “As we look back on the past 10 years since the conflict began, we are reminded that more than 300,000 people have lost their lives and another 4 million have been displaced from their homes,” Darfur 10 reflects.

I have a good (some would say annoying) memory for details. I also have the bad habit of holding onto emails for a long time. So somewhere in my computer, or in the hundreds of purple file folders that are stacked everywhere in my office or, remarkably, reside in the filing cabinet, I have pretty thorough documentation of the Government of Sudan’s first genocidal jihad — against the South, Nuba Mountains, Blue Nile State, and elsewhere since 1994, when IRD began focusing on Sudan.

In those regions, the conflict was confusingly referred to as Sudan’s “civil war,” or the “North/South war.” Over 2.5 million people died, tens of thousands were taken into slavery, and over 5 million were displaced. The 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) led to the cessation of active war throughout most of the region, but by the time of South Sudan’s independence in July 2011, Khartoum had already resumed war against the Nuba Mountains. A few months later, the people of Blue Nile were attacked as well.

Khartoum’s supremacist agenda is also being implemented elsewhere throughout the country. Criminal neglect and cultural cleansing is slowly extinguishing the Beja people of eastern Sudan. And in the far north, Khartoum is literally “drowning” Nubia with dams on the Nile. The floods are wiping out traces of the great Nubian civilizations that pre-dated the Islamic invasion.

Just as the genocide in Darfur should be commemorated, Khartoum’s decades-long genodical war against South Sudan and the other regions that resisted its agenda of Islamization and Arabization should be remembered, as well. Anyone who has seen it can never forget the famous photo above, taken twenty years ago this month by South African photo-journalist Kevin Carter, in March 1993 outside an emergency feeding center in Ayod, Jonglei State, South Sudan.

This image of the tiny starving girl and the vulture is still used to speak of “famine” in Sudan. The outrageous truth was that the famine was man-made, Khartoum-orchestrated — the deliberate starvation of a people by their own government. The same thing happened in the Nuba Mountains, in Wau, Western Bahr el Ghazal State, and in numerous other places. Today Khartoum is perpetrating the same starvation technique in the Nuba Mountains and Blue Nile State. It is time to remember the past — not just the ten years since genocide began in Darfur, but the decades of atrocities committed by the Government of Sudan. The sad truth is that those who cannot remember the past are condemned to allow Khartoum to repeat it.

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A Time to Act

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Act for Sudan, Faith McDonnell, George Mason University, Omar al-Bashir, South Sudan, Sudan

(Photo credit: Act for Sudan)

By Faith McDonnell (@Cuchulain09)

In the coming weeks, I am going to share some insights from this past week’s Sudan Emergency Action Summit sponsored by Act for Sudan. But today I want to suggest some actions that you can take right now, to help further our message on Sudan. In my last newsletter I offered you some actions to take on Sudan as well. Did you act? I’d love to hear from you if you did. Here are some additional suggestions:

1. Congressional Caucus for Sudan and South Sudan

Call your U.S. Representative’s office and ask for his/her foreign policy legislative assistant (L.A.).

Ask if your member of Congress is a member of the Congressional Caucus for Sudan and South Sudan. If so, express your appreciation. If not, let the foreign policy L.A. know that you feel it is very important for your member to join the Caucus. You can send them a copy of the invitation to join from Caucus co-chairs, U.S. Representatives Michael Capuano, Barbara Lee, Michael McCaul, and Frank Wolf. You will find this invitation on the IRD website in the Religious Liberty section entitled “Be Aware and Take Action.”

I have provided a list of Caucus members as of the beginning of the 113^th Congress on the IRD website in the Religious Liberty section entitled “Be Aware and Take Action.” If you do not know the name of your representative, you can find it easily at the U.S. House of Representatives website. In the top right hand corner, you will see “Find Your Representative: Enter your zip code.”

2. Qatar’s Donor Conference for the Government of Sudan

Background:

Qatar is hosting, and the African Development Bank Group is promoting, a donor conference for investment in Sudan to be held in Doha, Qatar, April 7-8, 2013.

Act for Sudan is sending a group letter to the Emir of Qatar objecting to financial support by Qatar for Sudan since such support places his country, as well as all international donors, squarely in the role of helping to fund the genocidal Sudanese regime. Act for Sudan is also sending a group letter to the President of the African Development Bank Group, protesting its plans to promote investment in Sudan and asking them instead to revoke support for this conference and their fundraising efforts that place the bank, and all international donors, in the same role – generating financial support for the genocidal regime.

In addition to general objections to supporting Sudan President Omar al-Bashir, Act for Sudan has discovered that funds would be used to “develop” Darfur. Sudan has already ethnically-cleansed much of Darfur of the black, African indigenous Darfurians and replaced them with outsiders sympathetic to the Arabist/Islamist regime. In other words, the region would not be developed for Darfurians, but for what Khartoum believes is the coming Caliphate in Africa.

In our letters, Act for Sudan says:

. . . Among the issues of greatest concern are the fact that unlawful attacks against civilians continue in Darfur, South Kordofan, Blue Nile, and the East even as the Government of Sudan continues to restrict movement and access for international humanitarian aid organizations operating throughout Sudan. Further key issues with South Sudan remain unresolved, including final definition and demarcation of the north-south border and the final status of the Abyei area. People across Sudan who protest the current regime are denied basic rights and face attack, arrest and torture.

Efforts to promote investments in Sudan are premature and put the international community at risk of funding a government that continues to perpetrate massive human rights violations against its own people. Such investments should not occur prior to a cessation of attacks on civilians, the granting of unhindered humanitarian access across Sudan, and a clear demonstration of progress on all remaining issues, including an inclusive constitutional review process followed by free and fair elections . . . .

Previous Darfur donors’ conferences collected billions of dollars, but there are no signs on the ground today of how those billions of dollars were spent. Instead, the money, after falling in the hands of the central government, is used against the people of Darfur to fund aerial bombardments and militia attacks. 

Disturbingly, the U.S. government may also be supporting this investment of billions of dollars to the genocidal regime, in spite of our own economic sanctions still in place against Sudan as a country supporting terrorism. This is where you come in. Contact both your member of Congress and your Senators (or their foreign affairs L.A.) and urge them to pressure the Obama Administration not to support the Doha Donor Conference, for the reasons described above.

In addition to these actions, please pray for the people of Sudan and South Sudan, as well as for all those who are persecuted for their faith around the world. In future e-newsletters, I will report on human rights and religious freedom violations in such places as Nigeria, Pakistan, Egypt and throughout the Middle East, North Korea, China, and elsewhere.

Please take these small actions for those who suffer for their faith!

Faith McDonnell directs IRD’s Religious Liberty program. If you liked this article, visit our website to support our work today and read her previous posts!